Sam Nunn: Statesman of the Nuclear Age by Frank Leith Jones

Author:Frank Leith Jones [Jones, Frank Leith]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9780700630127
Google: uMpszQEACAAJ
Publisher: University Press of Kansas
Published: 2020-01-15T13:38:42+00:00

CHAPTER 15

FILLING A POLICY VACUUM

It took President Bill Clinton less than a week after his January 1993 inauguration to clash with Nunn. Clinton had considered Nunn for the position of secretary of state in the new administration, as well as secretary of defense, but allegedly Nunn’s chances for the cabinet position faded because his views on social issues differed considerably from Clinton’s.1 One of those conflicting perspectives prompted the collision—lifting the ban on gays and lesbians to serve openly in the US military. Some commentators immediately saw the disagreement as a sign that Clinton had overrated his political skills and failed to cultivate a relationship with Nunn during the transition.2

Clinton’s first blunder occurred three days before his inauguration when he met with Secretary of Defense–Designate Les Aspin. The two discussed Aspin’s two-phase plan for lifting the prohibition: an interim period of several months to “buy some breathing room,” in which the president would direct Aspin to prepare an executive order and fashion Defense Department directives specifying new “standards of sexual conduct.” During this period, Aspin would direct the military services to stop asking recruits about their sexual orientation. Additionally, any ongoing proceedings to discharge service members for homosexuality would cease. In due course, the president would issue an executive order revoking the ban.3

News of the plan reverberated through the Pentagon, leading to a meeting between Aspin and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The ninety-minute discussion was less than cordial, with Aspin on the defensive and dithering.4 The chiefs then demanded an audience with the president, and on January 25, Clinton sat down with General Colin Powell and the officers who headed the four armed services. The meeting was soon intense, with the chiefs worked up, stridently speaking against lifting the ban. Clinton offered his rationale, trying to reduce the friction, agreeing that gays and lesbians’ conduct should be proscribed to maintain good order. However, they should be allowed to serve without restriction. He would not relent; he would fulfill his “commitment.”5

Amid the tempest that lasted two hours, Powell remained a calm presence, stating that such an action would undermine unit morale and cohesion, but that the chiefs would obey the commander in chief despite their personal misgivings. He offered an alternative approach, which he characterized as “stop asking and stop pursuing,” that is, no longer asking potential enlistees about their sexual orientation, and no longer investigating service members about the same. Privately, Powell had warned Clinton that issuing an executive order lifting the prohibition would be counterproductive. Congress, which was overwhelmingly against Clinton’s initiative, would call the chiefs to testify on the issue, and they were duty bound to offer their personal judgment, thereby expressing their hostility to the presidential policy. Moreover, Congress would likely put the ban into law, with sufficient votes to prevent a presidential veto.6 Aspin concluded the same after conducting informal soundings on Capitol Hill, that less than 25 percent of the members supported Clinton.7

Clinton had the opportunity to hear congressional views directly when he held several meetings with congressional leaders.

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